Vice Chancellor, Professor Stuart Croft
[Professor Nick Vaughan-Williams]
[Dr Martin Spillane]
Distinguished colleagues and friends
It is my pleasure to join you here today, to thank you for the honour which you have shown me, and to speak with you about the realities of migration and the need for peace building in the Mediterranean.
My message shall focus on the need for peace, and how this must shape our actions if we are committed to the fulfilment of sustainable and meaningful wellbeing.
My message concerns those among our human family who are most vulnerable, and whose struggle, in the form of contemporary processes of migration, must come to inform our concerns.
It is only by rising to meet our responsibilities that we shall discover how each one of us, in our roles as students, educators, policy makers and active citizens, can unite together to transform this unfolding situation for the better.
As President of a nation in the centre of the Mediterranean, and as a woman of that region, I am imbued with its particular character and its multilayered interconnections of identity.
These interconnections reach across diverse cultures and peoples, by turns proposing challenges and yet also a great source of sustenance and renewal. In the same way, we each bring something of ourselves and our identity to the issues at hand. It is this inclusive sense of who we are and our collective potential that must inform our discussions, and I hope these reflections will not only remind us of the situation currently developing in the region, but also offer a space for further dialogue.
The long history of interaction between the peoples surrounding the Mediterranean Sea has contributed to building the complex social, political, and religious cultures of the region. Indeed, the realities of the Mediterranean, both ancient and contemporary, have had direct and powerful influence over all parts of the world. The Roman Empire, the Islamic Golden Age, the Middle Ages, Modernity, and today’s narratives of mass movement are all testament to underlying histories that cannot be understood without engaging in an honest encounter with the Mediterranean.
We should not forget that the very nature of the university itself, an institution which gives us the opportunity to interact in an empowering forum for the free exchange of ideas, is intrinsically linked to the history of the Mediterranean. Among the 44 oldest universities of the world, 25 were founded in the Mediterranean Basin. Eight of the top ten oldest universities in the world, which have been active since the day they were first established, are in the Mediterranean area, an indication of the intellectual heritage that informs the region’s self-knowledge, and that must continue to nourish our development.
Therefore, let us be clear that the Mediterranean is not merely a “problem” to be solved or a “crisis” to be undone. It is a centre for some of the most sustained and vibrant expressions of human life that this planet has known. Its wellbeing is of primary concern, and an exploration of this wellbeing must rely both on our past collective memories, but also on what connects us all, regardless of our geographical position, today.
The movement of refugees is a global challenge that no nation is equipped to deal with alone. We must continue developing strategies for bringing together leaders from the Global North and South, united around one table. And it should be clear that refugees and migrants themselves must be part of our conversations if we are to hope for a sustainable strategy that can deal with all facets of this pressing reality.
Travel through the central Mediterranean remains the principal access route for migrants coming from various parts of the African continent.
In the words of Martin Schulz, President of the European Parliament, at the Valletta Summit on Migration last year, the Mediterranean is the most dangerous route. It is sad to recognise that this route is also responsible for the largest number of reported fatalities, numbering in the thousands.
If people are fleeing in this way, responding to whatever adversity instigates their journey, we are duty bound to find ways of enhancing search and rescue operations in the Mediterranean. Impeding the activities of smugglers and traffickers is crucial if we are to become active agents in saving lives. Traffickers exploiting refugees in the Mediterranean amassed over 5 billion Euros in 2015 alone, according to figures released by Europol. Our efforts to counter this criminal activity must come as part of a larger process, which should include the creation of improved safety in border crossing, through the consensus of states not solely preoccupied with jurisdictional concerns.
Security in many countries of departure remains fragile. With the Sahel Regional Action Plan for 2015-2020, the EU has placed itself in a position to better address the deteriorating political, humanitarian, and human rights situation in that region. However, there are other pressing questions we must address.
For instance:
How are we to boost local economies through trade, for example though partnership agreements and ‘aid for trade’ programmes, in such a way as to avoid old patterns of exploitation and oppression?
How are we to account for the massive damage already done, as individuals and their families lose all sense of the future to make their desperate journeys across the Mediterranean Sea? In what way can we make our individual contributions towards ensuring that people do not have to abandon their livelihood because of drought or famine, as a direct result of climate change?
UNHCR reports that over 110,000 people have already crossed the Mediterranean this year. Of these arrivals, 85% come from the world’s top ten refugee producing countries. Many lives have been lost, with over 400 people reported dead or missing so far in 2016. We know the figures reached last year are enormous, and we also know that the political reactions around Europe have been very different.
Some Europeans have accepted the direction proposed by the European Union, and the Commission’s proposal that sharing should proceed on grounds that include population, GDP, and unemployment. Surely we should be asking why Greece and Italy were ever expected to shoulder an enormous burden, for no better reason than because of their geographical location. Proximity is not, and cannot, be construed as the sole indicator of responsibility.
We must work together to define new policies. Perhaps it is time for us to consider the viability of humanitarian visas, of family reunion visas, of short-term visas.
What, then, are we to say to those who argue that borders and fences are the only way to deal with the growing numbers of people desperate to escape persecution and the most untenable conditions?
What motivates changes in policy?
What causes a transformation in people’s consciousness, and elicits a turn towards peace?
We are becoming so accustomed to news reports of the dead and dying that we are rendered immune to suffering.
This cannot go on.
Any sincere efforts towards building peace must take into consideration the identities of communities on both sides of the Mediterranean. We must seek to engage all stakeholders in a dialogue that maintains an awareness of the various layers of oppression, hardship, and exclusion that have for too long denied the dignity of so many. This multilayered engagement is the work I envision for the Institute of Peace and Wellbeing I am developing alongside my Foundation for the Wellbeing of Society.
The Institute shall be dedicated to fostering processes of peace and wellbeing within the Mediterranean and beyond. We are encouraged by the tremendous interest shown in these efforts by a number of partners, including ISESCO and UNESCO, the University of Columbia and the University of Cambridge, and our collaborator Vandana Shiva, among others. We invite you to join us in this endeavour, contributing your expertise and enthusiasm to our efforts.
We must find ways of moving away from the stereotypes and prejudices that have come, all too often, to define our discourses on migration. It is vital that we prioritise the importance of wellbeing as a guide in our conceptual and practical approaches in these areas. We must resist those who would label migrants as intruders or burdens on society. Instead, we must bring to light the reality of added values and opportunities that migrants bring to our communities.
It is only by fostering appropriate policy and legal frameworks, capable of protecting the interests of all, especially the most vulnerable, that we can ever hope to achieve a realistic change. Ultimately, these frameworks must be accompanied by a concurrent shift in social attitudes, a reorientation that embraces the centrality of human rights and the twin values of wellbeing and peace.
It is only within an inclusive and rights-based paradigm that our attitude towards migration may cease to be a source of fear, embedded within the language of hate, and instead reflect a larger truth of common care, spoken in the language of friendship, rooted in our common humanity.
How else are we to ensure that the 2030 Sustainable Development Agenda, and its Sustainable Development Goals, shall become a reality?
How else is our work to bear fruit, in endeavours which offer such an opportunity for mutual enrichment and such a challenge to those who would abuse their power?
How else are we to stand firm in our commitment to secure the wellbeing of all, especially the vulnerable?
The SDGs present a wealth of practical guidance on how these struggles must be addressed. They include precise information on the indicators that will be used to measure our success. If we are to stand any chance of successfully reaching our goals on a global scale, then these are the targets we must endorse and pursue, regardless of the opposition that appears to be growing every day, the insidious voice of an exclusionary populism that has come to speak more brazenly and loudly than before. The international community cannot desire peace more than the people themselves. Therefore political elites must rise above political, ethnic, and religious divides, and make concerted efforts to consolidate peace.
We must work together to take concrete and comprehensive action, anchored in a rights-based approach that can address economic, social, cultural, political and environmental considerations. Academics, practitioners, members of civil society, and political actors must come together to ensure that equality and intersectionally sensitive non-discrimination are entrenched in law, illuminated by the framework of fundamental human rights and implemented through policy
Economic migration is a description that is now commonly used, and is never far from the lips of political actors across Europe, and other parts of the Global North. It is often used as a weapon, a means of fostering division, of declaring some individuals and their families unworthy of the fullness of their dignity.
There are many people who are not escaping overt persecution, but are escaping for their lives for other reasons. They may be starving, or undergoing the most dreadful conditions of economic catastrophe. They may be enduring agricultural collapse due to environmental change, the underlying reasons and responsibility for which those of us in the Global North would do well to consider very carefully indeed.
Many refugees stay in the vicinity of their homes, because they hope to be able to soon return; yet more and more people are undertaking ever longer, more arduous, more expensive journeys. Many try to make their way to Europe in search of freedom and prosperity, in the hope of enabling themselves and their families to live a better life, free of fear, violence, and hunger.
Refugees travel for weeks, months, sometimes even years. On their journeys, they are exposed to unscrupulous exploitation and the constant risk of abuse. They risk their lives crossing the Mediterranean in unsafe ships or unseaworthy dinghies, supplied with life jackets only at an additional cost. Many are profoundly traumatised and disturbed by their experiences, for which they receive little or no care.
Appropriate action is necessary to protect refugees and migrants from discrimination and harm. Appropriate action is necessary to provide access to mental health care. Essential safeguards must be put in place to counteract threats of violence and unfair economic and financial exploitation, which are especially detrimental to already vulnerable communities.
It is our duty to undertake measures that may support individuals and groups whose capabilities have been diminished or constrained by exclusionary policies. Furthermore, states must strengthen the capacity of rights-holders to make valid claims, so that inequalities and violations are seriously addressed. This strengthening is not optional, but an obligation incumbent on every state that claims to observe human rights and democratic values.
We must call on states to enact macroeconomic policies that create appropriate employment opportunities, ensuring that new entrants in the labour force are realistically afforded adequate opportunities. It will also provide jobs for the unemployed, and move the market away from those vulnerable forms of employment dominated by coercion, exploitation, and degradation.
In mitigating the risks of inequalities experienced by refugees and migrants, states must guarantee basic services, including education, healthcare, and access to healthy food. The guarantee of such services goes hand in hand with the provisions of social welfare systems that cater for unexpected adverse situations.
To reduce inequalities, states must find ways of facilitating free and quality access to information and knowledge, fostering a spirit of active participation. There is an alarming tendency for those suffering inequalities to be underrepresented in those processes that could potentially address and alleviate their oppression. Sometimes they are not represented at all. As a result, their concerns are not given the importance they deserve and may even go unnoticed as a concern worthy of action.
This ties in with the importance of decentralised governance. Strengthening the capacity of local governments will facilitate the provision of policies that apply to local and regional situations, which shall help alleviate area-specific situations of concern, including the Mediterranean. Such measures have the added value of providing regional solutions that foster regional cooperation and participation. We must present platforms from which everyone may speak their truth safely, in a place of mutual respect.
In all of these considerations, we must maintain the centrality of accountability. We must be mindful of the ways in which policy makers and governments are held to account for the design, monitoring, and implementation of their policies, and ensure that adequate action is taken by those who have a duty to implement frameworks capable of protecting and defending the rights of all. We must also keep vigilant by monitoring all actions, in order to ensure that they reach the people they are in fact designed to serve.
Special consideration must also be given to those countries where governance has been weakened. These include conflict and post-conflict countries where the building of government capacity at all levels must be prioritised, in extended programmes of peace building and recovery. Inequalities are very real in such contexts, and as such need to be highlighted because of the increased precariousness faced by vulnerable groups and communities.
Ultimately, this is a global responsibility. If we acknowledge that proximity does not, in and of itself, define responsibility, then we must recognise that each of us shares in the duty to care for the precariousness of refugees and migrants. It is a responsibility to be shared by all humanity, and part of our response must include peace building measures that seriously address the roots of conflict and deprivation.
We must learn from the international community’s experiences with conflict, but let us also recognise that every conflict carries its own unique character. Solutions cannot simply be transposed from one context to another, rather we must work to secure the dignity and protection of the vulnerable in all instances, by creating structures that promote sustainable peace, and which address the underlying roots of violent conflict.
This must involve the active engagement of indigenous capacities for conflict transformation and processes of peace.
To this end, strategies for effective peacebuilding must inform our efforts. Let me also take this opportunity to talk, not simply about peacebuilding in theory, but about peacebuilding in practice. As President of Malta, and before that, as Minister for Family and Social Solidarity, I have witnessed first hand the efforts made to build and sustain peace in the face of mounting concerns.
It is imperative that we focus our work, at its beginning, on conflict prevention. When the international community fails to act in a timely fashion, it opens the door to corruption and abuse. We are aware of systemic failures in at-risk nations, compounded by our own reluctance to intervene. We are aware of the horrors that are being committed in areas where power means little more than violence and coercion.
So where is the political will to take action?
In our world of immediate information sharing, we cannot claim the comfort of ignorance. We cannot pretend that we did not know conflict was growing into direct confrontation. We cannot absolve ourselves of the responsibility to muster the political will to act early and decisively.
Let us be clear – early action can prevent enormous suffering. Our failure to prevent conflict has contributed significantly to unnecessary anguish, but also to wasteful expenditure, both in terms of humanitarian aid programmes and ballooning peacekeeping budgets. No conflict-affected state can possibly hope to achieve the full implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals if violence remains a critical impediment.
We must acknowledge that war is fundamentally opposed to sustainable development. We must realise that it is only through the international community’s commitment to eradicate poverty that we can hope to successfully reduce all forms of violent conflict. We must find ways of building relationships between governments and communities, exploring sustainable solutions to conflict and insecurity. This is why Goal 16 of the SDGs is so critical. All of our approaches must be guided by the promotion of just, peaceful, and inclusive societies; the strengthening of the rule of law; and the promotion of human rights.
It is by engaging governments and communities in the work of wellbeing, in the cessation of violence, in the cause of peace, that we shall secure the firmest foundation. Indeed, our efforts to effect sustainable peacebuilding must take root within the political process, understood inclusively. We must strive towards the full participation of all members of society, including those who have been marginalised and dispossessed by traditional structures and systems of governance.
The involvement of women and gender minorities is critical, both within our own nations and in our communication with others. This must come alongside sustained attention from the international community to the vision of a lasting peace, and the patience to commit ourselves to long-term goals.
There are no short-cuts to building durable institutions within nations. The World Bank estimates that processes of positive change in key institutions can take between one or two decades, at a minimum. This is why long term and consistent support is crucial if we are to effect a sustainable transformation. This is why our economic and political commitments must align with the dictates of our consciences.
We all remember that fateful photograph of Alan Kurdi. Alan was a three-year-old boy, a toddler, whose lifeless body washed up on a Mediterranean beach. That image gave voice to the human catastrophe currently underway. That photograph forced many people to confront what had been ignored for so long — the thousands who die every year, adults and children, whose deaths did not elicit a moment’s recognition.
That powerful photograph provokes something within us, but what name can we give to such a difficult movement of conscience?
Is it sadness?
Is it Pity?
Is it Shame?
And have our policy responses changed to reflect the responsibility of that awful image, of the suffering that is concentrated within the confines of our Mediterranean, and reaches out across the earth? Is there still space within the Mediterranean, within our discourse, for hope?
We cannot ignore the plight of individuals and families as they migrate in search of a better life. We cannot continue to push already marginalised groups further away. We cannot succumb to the poisonous rhetoric that would see us divided, rather than acknowledge the fullness of our shared humanity.
Let us share a vision of the future that is capable of true inclusion, a vision of the future that restores hope and offers the promise of wellbeing and its attainment. I encourage you to be active in supporting this vision, and to join the efforts of your civil society in urging policy makers to adopt approaches that safeguard human dignity and encourage mutual respect.
Let me conclude with reference to a statement from Malta’s commemoration of Holocaust Remembrance Day, held last month. My Foundation for the Wellbeing of Society brought together college students from across the Maltese Islands, who joined their colleagues from Italy to discuss the realities of discrimination and exclusion that are still experienced by individuals and communities in all our nations. When asked what they thought about the possibility of future peace, this was their reply:
“Even though peace seems unattainable, it is important to strive towards it. That is the importance of peace. The importance of peace is in our striving.”
Thank You.
Photo credit – (OPR)